Scott

 

Hey, folks — believe it or not, I’m one of the authors associated with this site, though I haven’t actually, y’know, posted here for quite some time. You can find me at my main haunt, CardNilly, where I talk about baseball, and particularly the Cardinals. But in my actual real life, I’m a lawyer. Mike’s most recent post here about varying judicial philosophies is correct in a lot of the specifics, but kind of jumbled as to how things are applied. So I thought I’d do a primer on how judges (theoretically) are supposed to go about interpreting the law. If you go to law school you (like I did) can take plenty of classes which delve into this very area of discussion. In fact, you could make a reasonable argument that the arguments and the various theories about how to interpret law are the very soul of the appellate practice. After all, once you get up into the appeals situation, you’re not fighting about the facts any more — you’re just fighting about the law. So here, in a nutshell, more or less, is Jurisprudence 101.

In the beginning, of course, there is the word. And, sadly, there is no guarantee that the word is good, since it’s being drafted by legislators or bureaucrats, neither of which are particularly dependable sorts of folks in terms of writing things down clearly. So the first test is pretty simple: look at the plain meaning of the text of the law at issue. If it is clear from the language at issue what the legislators meant about how the statute should be applied, then life is good and the wheels of justice can roll onward.

(Also, you’ve got smooth sailing if a court before you has said that the term in dispute means X and not Y. This generally doesn’t happen in appellate cases, though, since there would be no dispute. Usually you’ve got a case where none of the courts in your state/federal circuit have said anything about the term, and courts in State/Federal Circuit A say the term means X and not Y, and courts in State/Federal Circuit B say the term means Y and not X.)

Sadly, life is rarely that easy, at least for the tough stuff. Some of the time, clever lawyers on either or both sides can create some kind of an ambiguity in the statute or regulation at issue. So the court’s job is to get rid of that ambiguity somehow — to come down for one interpretation of the statute or another. When doing this, the first thing the courts should do is look at the whole of the statute or regulation — to try to glean some kind of meaning about the term in dispute from somewhere else in the legislation. Here’s the theory behind that: Since we live in a democracy, the word of the people should govern. The word of the people, in this sense, is the text of the statute or regulation at issue. So to the extent at all possible, if the court can derive some meaning for the term in dispute from the word of the people, democracy is upheld and life is grand. (Cue marching bands playing some sort of Sousa march)

This process is called Statutory Construction. As Mike correctly points out, this is where we get the term “strict constructionist,” which refers to judges who construe — using the canons of construction we’ll talk about in a bit — more narrowly than expansively. If the dispute is grammatical in nature, there are four canons which are routinely applied, all of which have fancy Latin names to make lawyers feel like the money they spent on law school was actually worth something. Jargon as a barrier to entry and all that. Anyway, the big four canons are:

  • Ejusdem generis — this means, roughly, “of the same kind, class, or nature”. It’s also what the “e.g.” stands for, if you use that when you’re writing. The idea here is that if the term in dispute are general words following a list of specific items, the general words will be construed to be limited to the same kind, class, or nature as the specific items. The standard example given is a Supreme Court case which dealt with the theft of an airplane under the National Motor Vehicles Act back in 1931. The statute enumerated something like “cars, trucks, motorcycles, and other motor vehicles” — and one side wanted airplanes to fall in the catchall term at the end. Makes a certain amount of sense, right? Planes have motors, they’re vehicles, therefore they’re motor vehicles. But the court said that because the other items enumerated were motor vehicles travelling over land, the general term at the end also had to apply to motor vehicles travelling over land.
  • Expressio unius est exclusio alterius — “the expression of one thing is the exclusion of another”. This is also pretty simple. If the statute has a list of items without a general catchall term at the end, the statute is presumed to apply only to those items. So if a statute purported to give a public official the power to fine people for jaywalking, double parking, and speeding, the official would not have the power to fine people for parking meter violations as well, even though it’s the same general type of violation. If it’s not stated, it’s excluded.
  • Noscitur a sociis — “it is known by its neighbors”. This is fairly similar to ejusdem generis, actually. The idea is that an item in a list will be limited in meaning to the meanings of the other items in that list. So, for example, a statute that makes it illegal to “abandon, dispose, desert or leave a corpse” won’t apply to a county coroner when she goes home for the evening, even though she’s technically leaving the corpse at work. (One hopes.) The meaning of the term “leave” is limited to the meanings of abandon, dispose, and desert due to noscitur a sociis.
  • The Last Antecedent Rule. No Latin for this one. The idea behind this is that qualifying terms and phrases only apply to the words or phrases immediately preceding them, and not to more remote terms. For example: a statute which purported to regulate “planes, trains, and automobiles which are blue” would be construed to apply to all planes, all trains, and blue automobiles. The qualifier of the color blue would not be construed to extend to the planes and trains, since they are not the last antecedent. Fun, huh?
  • Other general canons of construction include a rule against superfluity (to the extent possible, statutes should not be construed to make language superfluous or meaningless), a rule against implying additional words into a statute, and a rule against omitting words from a statute.

If those canons of construction don’t get rid of your ambiguity, then there are other statutory interpretation rules out there to aid in the court’s decision-making. Note the difference between the terms “interpretation” and “construction” here — when a court is construing a statute, it’s looking for meaning that’s already there based on the language itself. When a court is interpreting a statute, it’s reading meaning into the statute based on one or more outside resources brought to bear on the ambiguous term. In the real world, there’s no real difference between “statutory interpretation” and “statutory construction” — they’re used interchangeably in the media and by politicians. But they do mean different things and describe different processes.

One important interpretation rule is called in pari materia, which means “on the same matter or subject”. The idea here is you should look to the surrounding statutes to see if and how the term is used elsewhere within the statutes. Courts presume — whether rightly or wrongly — that legislatures don’t mean to have the same term mean different things within the body of legislation, so all reasonable efforts will be made to keep the terms consistent across the board. Think of various anti-discrimination statutes — generic terms should probably be interpreted the same way for all types of discrimination, right? It would be weird and strange if the same actions would be discriminatory against blacks but not against women, or whatever. This is only helpful if the disputed term is used elsewhere in the legislation and has a clear meaning, though.

Closely related concepts are the rules that:

  • Specific language in one statute controls over broad language in another (ex: Statute One says that walking your dog in a park is a felony; Statute Two says that walking your golden retriever in Central Park is a misdemeanor. If you’re arrested for walking your golden retriever in Central Park, Statute Two controls, since it’s more specific);
  • When two statutes directly conflict, the one passed most recently controls; and
  • The constitution supersedes mere statutes, and if reasonable, statutes should be interpreted to be constitutional.

Another more controversial interpretive approach is to look at the intent of the author — the legislative body. This is tricky. A lot of times there’s a legislative history that the court can go review. Legislators will give speeches on the record and issue reports that say what their intent is and all sorts of stuff like that. To an extent, that sort of thing can be helpful, so long as there are no contradictions, and you can actually get a chunk of history on point. But in a lot of cases things aren’t clear, or there is no legislative history at all, or — in the case of the US Constitution — the Framer’s statements are hard to come by or wholly inapplicable to modern life. There are good arguments both for and against using legislative intent in cases where that intent may not be clear or applicable, and it ends up being a philosophical choice more than anything.

Yet another “you buy into it or you don’t” approach is an outcomes-based analysis, where ambiguities are resolved by picking the option that’s “best” for society, whatever that may happen to mean. As you can imagine, this sort of decision-making is fairly controversial, since the judge is arguably stepping into the role of a legislator. The term “judicial activism” gets thrown around here a lot. This kind of decision-making leaves me very uncomfortable personally for any number of reasons. But it’s out there and being used every day by judges of every different kind of political persuasion.

The fun thing is that there’s no clear hierarchy between statutory interpretation rules, generally. So you can use one rule to come up with one meaning for the term in dispute, and use another to come up with a diametrically opposed meaning. Or a rule of construction will flatly contradict a rule of interpretation. How various judges weigh and value these competing approaches when they come into conflict determines their jurisprudential philosophy. A strict constructionist, for example, is much more likely to devalue outcomes-based analysis and attempt to resolve the ambiguity through rules of construction and in pari materia, and are hesitant to look at legislative intent (if they intended it a certain way, why didn’t they write it that way?) and outcomes-based analysis.

The “strict constructionist” term has gotten bollixed up with political baggage now and is just code for “anti-abortion” when used by politicians. As Mike correctly points out, the key is to try to look past the political code and results to see what the philosophical bent of the judges are. Rehnquist, for example. was more or less a pure strict constructionist — he looked at the wording of the statute or constitutional provision at issue and proceeded from there. Scalia and Thomas, though on the same side of the fence politically, are better termed as originalists — they’ll go with the wording of the constitutional clause at issue, but will deviate from the plain meaning when it is opposed to their interpretation of the original intent of the framers of the Constitution.

I don’t know enough about him to be sure one way or the other, but my fear is that Judge Alito is a third kind of judge — a strict constructionist who is willing to deviate when the outcomes are undesirable in his mind. Time will tell as to whether that’s the case.

 

I have to confess I’m still a little confused as to what we’re talking about here. Seems like there are about three unrelated issues here:

  • Whether sufficient academic freedom exists,
  • How people react when they hear something they don’t like, and
  • How debate and dialogue should be framed to be effective

My quick answers are: Yes, Stupidly, and Non-Offensively If Possible.

Hiren sez in his initial post:

Academics need significant courage these days to do what they are supposed to do – conduct their academic inquiries without worrying about what the evidence will show.

I don’t think that’s true at all — your average chem prof doesn’t need significant courage to run his experiments, or your average BritLit academic or whatever. There’s no type of public pressure vested in the answers a geologist comes up with out in the field. It’s really hard to come up with a hypothetical situation where a CompSci prof faces some kind of PC pressures. (Though see this about how flowering plants are tremendously anti-PC…)

There’s a kind of intestinal fortitude necessary for individuals who might find that their preconceived notions are incorrect, but that’s something completely different and unrelated to political correctness. And even for those fields where the kind of public pressure we’re talking about exists, I think academia does a pretty good job of looking after its own, seeing the big picture, and protecting its freedoms. My anecdotal evidence here is Ward Churchill, the U of Colorado prof who called 9/11 victims “little Eichmanns.” Despite the furor that erupted over his comments and scholarship, here’s the thing: he’s still employed by CU. He’s still got the freedom to write and say whatever he wants. Obviously, there are quite a few people closer to the academic world than I am right now, but I haven’t gotten the impression that good or valuable research is being squelched because of political correctness concerns on anything remotely approaching a widespread basis. Please tell me if I’m wrong about this, though.

I suspect that Hiren’s actual concern is the second point: that people react stupidly when they hear something that they don’t like. Take, for example, the DC Mayor’s aide who resigned for a short time after a controversy broke out after his use of the word “niggardly.” Or a school teacher who was reprimanded for the same thing. That’s just people being dumb, or overreacting out of ignorance.

And there’s not a lot that can be done about the fact that people are stupid and overreact when they hear something they don’t like. Sure, we could probably tweak media coverage a bit, but there’s really no incentive for the media to change their way of doing business — gotta get people’s attentions somehow if you want to stay in business — and, just to cover themselves in the event of a lawsuit, they generally do stick in the context and the provisos and caveats to the academic research they’re reporting on, even if it is tucked out of the way at the end of the article somewhere. We could probably try to address the whole confusion-about-actually-inoffensive-words thing through bolstered public education, but there are a lot of other reasons to do that anyway which are much more important than some people getting offended by a word every once in a while.

There’s just not a whole lot to do with this. People — particularly Americans — are stupid and touchy when confronted with things they don’t like to hear. All part of the charm, really. But I don’t think you’re going to change that any time soon.

The third point is an interesting one, and Mike covered it pretty well in his first point. Also check out this article from the National Review Online, which I think pretty much gets it right (on this issue and this issue only — there are lots of little asides in there that I disagree with, but whatever…): if you’re polite and civil, it’s not hard to communicate effectively in a non-offensive way. The language itself takes a bit of a hit when words are no longer used for older meanings (gay=happy, for example), but y’know, English is a resilient tough language. I think it can handle it.

May 032005
 

So, now we’ve got our first “name” suspension under the MLB’s steriod policy. (Casual fans: Juan Rincon is a setup guy for the Twins who has been mostly unhittable for the last two plus years. It’s no Giambi or Bonds, but he’s the first non-marginal major leaguer to get dinged — he’s a reliever just about every club would be glad to have. At least as of yesterday…). And, depending on how much you’re into non-NBA conspiracy theories, Bud Selig “just happened” to leak a letter this weekend that proposed much harsher penalties for steroid testing violations.

It’s my thought (and it’s one that’s often echoed by Dan Shanoff of ESPN’s Daily Quickie, though he certainly didn’t get the idea from me…) that the steroid thing isn’t a big deal, or at least that the punishments being discussed are incommensurate with the actual crimes (yeah, they should be punished, but not as much as Selig’s proposing). That is to say, your average fan cares about steroids, but would be much more upset about allegations of gambling on games (Pete Rose, Lenny Dykstra), which actually threaten the integrity of the game. Steroids are just cheating, like corking a bat or using sandpaper or an emery board to doctor the ball.

So, two issues here:

  1. Do you actually think steroids are as serious a problem as they’re being made out to be? Hardcore fans no doubt have some kind of highly nuanced take on the issue, and that’s fine, but I’m more interested in casual and non-fans.

Casual fans: what do you think about the steroid thing? How does the problem compare in severity to other forms of cheating? How about gambling?

Non fans: how does the current steroid flap affect your impression of the game? Are the measures that baseball is taking going to have an effect on that impression?

  • Do you think the punishment fits the crime? Would you reform it to be harsher or more lenient than the current system (10/30/60 game suspensions for each violation)? Than Bud’s proposal (50/100/lifetime ban)?
  • Should the discussion turn that way, I think the amphetamine issue should also be dealt with, but I’m more interested in the steroid question.

    Apr 252005
     

    Stupid work getting in the stupid way… If it wasn’t so necessary for me to, you know, eat and have a roof over my head and clothes on my back and stuff, then I’d be tempted to just ditch the whole thing! But anyway…

    Constitutional amendments! Right up my alley, supposedly! I think Mike’s two main groundrules are good ideas: Gotta be a supralegislative issue and gotta address an actual and present problem. At the moment, I only think that one of the seven Mike talks about is worth supporting. I’ve got an open mind, though, so convince me if I’m wrong.

    The “No-Brainers”:

    • Electoral College. So why is this a no-brainer, again? Candidates don’t ignore major markets — that’s where the money is. So Kerry took some trips to Houston and Dubya took some trips to LA and NYC, because they could have some really nice fundraisers there. So candidate attention isn’t a good enough reason for me. I’m also a little worried about the total disenfranchisement of the rural voter this way — if I had more ambition, I’d try to find out exactly how urbanized our population is at the moment. I’m guessing that most of the nation’s population can be found in one metropolitan area or another.

      I’m not saying there aren’t good reasons for getting rid of the college, but it seems like a problem without any real harms to me at the moment. Yeah, it might be a flaw, but no harm, no foul, you know? Feel free to convince me otherwise.

    • Presidential immigrants. Again, no harm, no foul, right? This seems to pop up whenever there’s a foreign-born politician who captures the public fancy for a bit — in the 70s, it was Kissinger. A generation later, it’s The Governator. I don’t know that this is a problem either way — the Kissinger Cult of Personality was something of a media construct anyway, and if media reports are to be believed, Ahnuld’s not doing so hot a job out there on the Left Coast anyway. As always, this isn’t to say that it’s not a fundamentally unfair rule, whatever the intentions were back in the day, but it doesn’t seem like there’s enough of a need to change for us to, well, need to change.

      So here’s a question: if you’re foreign-born and serve highly in the administration (let’s call you Kenry Hissinger), are you automatically out of the line of succession? That is, if all the people above Ol’ Kenry are tragically wiped out, does Secretary Hissinger get skipped over just as if he was also kaput? I have no idea — would have made a good research paper for me at some point, though.

    • Representation with Taxation. This one I’m on board with — if you’re a resident of a US territory and you pay taxes, you get to vote in presidential elections. The good people of DC and Puerto Rico are getting the scroogie. (My all-time favorite license plate is the DC “Taxation Without Representation” license plate. Clinton put it on the White House limos. Dubya took it off.) I also think that territories deserve some kind of representation in the legislature — maybe one seat each in the house, and reapportion everything else to stay under the 535 minimum. The way I’d determine whether a territory got a representative is simple — if they have a federal court, then they get a seat in the House. That means that DC, Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands all get a seat.

    “Good” ideas, but not gonna happen:

    • Run-offs for national elections. Lay some election theory down on me — why does this help third parties? Also, if you don’t buy the theory that the electoral college should be dumped, then this doesn’t make any sense. Maybe in the case of an electoral tie, which seems a lot more fair than kicking it over to the House of Representatives to me.
    • Repeal the Second Amendment. My twitchy trigger fingers covered this here. Even if I’m never gonna excercise them, I likes me my rights. Don’t take them away. And besides, if I didn’t have this [right to a] gun, the King of England could just walk in here any time he wants and start shoving you around. Do you want that? Huh? Do ya!?
    • Repeal Presidential Term Limits. Seriously, one of the only things keeping me as sane and optimistic as I am now (pleasant observation or shattering irony? You make the call!), is that I can’t hear the chant “Four More Years” in slightly less than four more years. Admittedly, there’s a good case to be made that Clinton would have won in 2000, but that’s neither here nor there.

      And what kind of nasty disincentives are we talking about here? Are they nastier than the short-term blinders put on by the constant drive for re-election? The same instincts that make me want to keep around Second Amendment rights that are pretty clearly a societal negative also make me wary about giving politicians an opportunity to develop a cult of personality that could keep them in office indefinitely. Not enough of a case for it, in my book.

    Wacky, Zany Ideas:

    • Repeal Roe v. Wade. Hm. This has been covered in the comments plenty, I think, and I don’t have a lot to add. Judicially, Roe‘s here to stay — this is the only way to get rid of it. Cop out for me, sure, but abortion is one of those issues (health care and taxes are examples of two others), where I can see the merits of the arguments for both sides, and I truly don’t think there’s a workable answer in a society as diverse as ours. I just wish the Democrats had a better approach for dealing with the issue, but that’s not really germane to this particular discussion.
     

    Lest we forget, we’re gonna talk about baseball here sometimes, too. (For me, much of life is just killing time until I can talk about baseball, but that’s neither here nor there at the moment…).

    So: next topic is predictions for the upcoming season. I’ve gone into this a bit in my much delayed Fearless Prediction Series over at CardNilly, but I thought I’d put it out here, too.

    My predictions:

    AL West:

    1. Anaheim Angels
    2. Oakland A’s
    3. Texas Rangers
    4. Seattle Mariners

    AL Central:

    1. Minnesota Twins
    2. Cleveland Indians
    3. Chicago White Sox
    4. Detroit Tigers
    5. Kansas City Royals

    AL East:

    1. Boston Red Sox
    2. New York Yankees
    3. Baltimore Orioles
    4. Toronto Blue Jays
    5. Tampa Bay Devil Rays

    NL West:

    1. Los Angeles Dodgers
    2. San Diego Padres
    3. San Francisco Giants
    4. Arizona Diamondbacks
    5. Colorado Rockies

    NL Central

    1. St. Louis Cardinals
    2. Chicago Cubs
    3. Milwaukee Brewers
    4. Houston Astros
    5. Cincinnati Reds
    6. Pittsburgh Pirates

    NL East

    1. Atlanta Braves
    2. Philadelphia Phillies
    3. Florida Marlins
    4. New York Mets
    5. Washington Nationals

    Playoffs:

    ALDS: Boston over Minnesota, New York over Anaheim
    NLDS: St. Louis over Atlanta, Chicago over Los Angeles

    ALCS: New York over Boston
    NLCS: St. Louis over Chicago

    World Series: St. Louis over New York

    Awards:

    AL MVP: Manny Ramirez
    AL Cy Young: Johan Santana
    AL Rookie: Jeremy Reed

    NL MVP: Albert Pujols
    NL Cy Young: Tim Hudson
    NL Rookie: Gavin Floyd